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or  THE 


CRITICAL  SITUATION, 


OF  TBI 


IN  RELATION  TO  THEIR 


COLOURED  POPULATION, 


BY  WHITEMARSH  B.  SEABROOK: 

READ  BEFORE  THE  "  AGRICULTURAL  SOCIETY  OF  ST.  JOHN'S 
COLLETONf*'  oh  the  14th  of  September,  1825, 


AND  PUBLISHED  AT  THEIR  REQUEST. 


SECOND  EDITION. 


CHARLESTON: 
printed  by  a.  e.  miller, 
4,  Broad-Street. 

1825. 


FROM  the  general  aspect  of  the  times,  a  momen- 
tous crisis  in  the  history  of  our  country,  is  rapidly  ap- 
proaching. In  the  absence  of  political  excitements, 
sectional  jealousies  have  arisen,  which  are  destined  to 
continue,  so  long  as  the  Southern  States  shall  cling  to 
the  charter  of  their  rights,  so  Jong  as  they  shall  refuse 
to  sacrifice  their  constitutional  immunities  on  the  al- 
tar of  a  sanguinary  philosophy.  It  is  now  susceptible 
of  the  clearest  demonstration,  that  the  tenure  by  which 
we  hold  our  slaves,  is  daily  becoming  less  secure,  and 
more  the  subject  of  acrimonious  animadversion.  The 
skeptic  need  not  longer  doubt  of  the  proximity  of 
danger.  The  affectionate  admonitions  of  the  Father 
of  his  country,  have  been  recalled  by  the  patriot — the 
philanthropist  has  appealed  to  the  finer  feelings  of  the 
heart,  but  the  poisonous  shaft  is  still  grasped  by  the 
fanatic ;  the  anticipations  of  the  demagogue  are  yet 
cloudless  and  serene.  Amidst  the  scenes  that  perpetu- 
ally, flit  before  us,  obviously  indicating  an  afflictive 
commotion  of  the  political  elements,  the  slave-holding 
States  display  a  dereliction  of  duty  and  interest,  but 
illy  adapted  to  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion.  As  if 
some  inexplicable  delusion,  some  mysterious  fascina- 
tion had  obscured  their  better  judgment,  no  voice  is 
heard  in  their  behalf — the  pen  of  remonstrance  is  per- 
mitted to  repose  on  the  desk  an  idle  and  an  useless 
weapon.  If  these  reflextions  are  not  visionary  and 
chimerical,  then  has  the  period  arrived,  when  we 
should  arouse  from  our  lethargy,  and  speak  a  language 


4 


befitting  the  crisis.  The  preservation  of  our  proper- 
ty, and  the  maintainance  ofthe  weight  of  Southern  in- 
fluence in  the  national  councils,  would  now  seem  to 
depend  on  the  adoption  of  that  particular  course  of 
conduct,  which  prudence  suggests,  and  patriotism 
Si  i"  r ions. 

Nothing  is  more  clear,  than  that  an  open  or  forcible 
infringement  ofthe  constitutional  rights  of  any  one  of 
the  States,  from  whatever  quarter  it  may  proceed, 
would  be  a  manifest  usurpation,  justifying  a  resort  to 
self-defence.  Hence  too,  whatever  individual,  or  le- 
gislative acts,  have  a  tendency  to  create  or  eternize  the 
implacable  feelings,  usually  incident  to  geographical 
distinctions,  should  be  viewed,  as  positive  attempts,  de 
j<  do,  to  sap  the  foundation  of  our  confederacy.  Un- 
der the  specious  plea  of  aiding  the  cause  of  the  free 
coloured  population,  and  of  effecting  a  reformation  in 
the  condition  of  this  portion  of  the  community,  the 
pulpit  and  the  bar,  the  press  and  the  legislative  hall, 
have  vied  in  the  delineation  of  a  picture,  around  which, 
like  the  cross  of  olden  time,  the  modem  crusaders  will 
be  invited  to  rally.  From  these  sources,  it  has  been 
asserted,  that  slavery  contradicts  the  primary  princi- 
ples of  our  government ;  that  our  slaves  are  wretched, 
and  their  wretchedness  ought  to  be  alleviated  ;  that 
they  are  dangerous  to  the  community,  and  this  danger 
ought  lo  be  removed  ;  and,  that  if  the  evils  attendant 
on  the  circumstances  of  our  black  population,  are  not 
speedily  eradicated,  God,  in  his  righteous  judgment, 
v  II  raise  up  Touissaint,  or  a  Spartacus,  or  an  Afri- 
can Tecumseh,  to  demand  by  what  authority  we  hold 
them  in  subjection.  I  am  well  aware,  that  with  a 
view  to  the  salutary  accomplishment  of  a  public 
scheme,  an  interchange  of  opinion  is  necessary,  but 
may  I  be  permitted  to  ask,  why,  on  the  simple  question 
of  transporting  free  negroes  to  Africa,  is  the  subject  of 
slavery  agitated  at  all  ?  Why  is  the  system  of  domes- 
tic servitude,  as  it  exists  in  our  country,  pourtrayed  in 
such  false  and  revolting  colours  ?  Is  it  done  to  pro- 
mote th f  sacred  cause  of  philanthropy  ?  Is  it  a  sin- 
cep*  desire  to  discharge  a  conscientious  duty,  or  a 
murderous  attempt  to  rid  the  soil  of  America  from  the 


5 


pollution  of  African  industry  ?  Let  facts  speak,  and 
candour  deduce  the  inference. 

First  : — In  1823,  a  resolution  was  passed  by 
Ohio,  proposing  a  gradual,  but  entire  emancipation 
of  slaves,  and  a  system  of  foreign  colonization  I 
cannot  question  the  general  power  of  the  States  to 
offer  amendments  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States ;  but  certainly  it  was  never  contemplated, 
that  a  State  should  possess  the  right  of  attempting 
to  alter  the  conditions  of  our  society,  or  fundamen- 
tally to  change  the  form  of  our  government.  A  pro- 
posal to  constitute  this  republic  a  monarchy,  it  must 
be  apparent,  would  be  in  direct  contravention  of 
the  inherent  principles  of  the  national  compact.  It  is 
equally  true,  that  any  attempt  to  destroy  or  modify 
the  basis,  on  w  hich  alone  many  of  the  States  consent- 
ed to  yield  their  most  important  powers  of  sovereignty, 
would  be  as  notorious  a  violation  of  the  express  terms 
of  the  political  contract.  On  this  ground,  I  hold  the 
legislative  art  of  Ohio  to  be  unconstitutional.  Even 
she  uld  the  assent  of  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress, the  legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  States, 
and  the  signature  of  the  President  be  obtained,  it  would 
not  affect  one  tittle  the  unconstitutionality  and  injustice 
of  the  measure.  By  what  authority  can  we  be  divest- 
ed of  cur  whale  property — for,  deprive  us  of  our  slaves, 
and  you  render  our  lands  valueless  ?  It  is  true, 
private  property  may  be  legally  taken  for  public  pur- 
poses, provided  an  equitable  remuneration  is  allowed ; 
but,  is  there  an  instance  in  the  history  of  lawful  gov- 
ernments, of  an  entire  people  being  disseized  by  one 
u  fell  swoop"  of  every  article  of  their  inheritance  and 
industry.  William,  the  conqueror,  to  gratify  his  pas- 
sion for  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  laid  waste  an  ex- 
tent of  thirty  miles  in  his  dominions,  expelled  the  inha- 
bitants from  their  houses,  and  seized  their  possessions  : 
but  William  was  a  tyrant.  Between  him  and  his  sub- 
jects, there  was  no  agreement.  Physical  force  placed 
this  usurper  on  the  throne,  and  the  same  engine  se- 
cured the  exercise  of  his  authority.  We  too,  then, 
after  the  manner  of  the  people  of  Hampshire,  to  in- 
dulge the  delusive  whims  of  quixotic  projectors,  are, 


6 


perhaps  destined  to  be  visited  by  a  desolation,  at  the 
instance  of  a  State,  who  but  recently  was  associated 
with  our  political  family.  Guided  by  unsound  con- 
siderations of  national  policy,  she  has  permitted  her 
feelings  to  usurp  the  place  of  more  enlarged  and  be- 
neficent principles.  Ignorant  of  the  true  condition  of 
our  slaves,  her  judgment  has  been  forced  to  yield  to 
distorted  and  malicious  representation.  But  Ohio  is 
not  the  only  State,  that  we  are  called  on  to  arraign  at 
the  bar  of  public  justice.  Her  proposal  has  been  so- 
lemnly sanctioned  by  the  States  of  Delaware,  New- 
Jersey,  Indiana,  and  Rhode-Island. 

Secondly  : — At  the  very  time,  when  the  expediency 
of  acceding  to  the  Ohio  resolve,  was  under  dis- 
cussion in  the  legislatures  of  the  States,  Mr.  King, 
of  New- York,  laid  on  the  table  of  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  a  resolution,  that  the  whole  of 
the  public  land  of  the  United  States,  with  the 
nett  proceeds  thereof,  should  constitute  and  form  a 
fund  to  aid  the  removal  of  the  emancipated  slaves; 
and  Mr.  Tucker,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  a 
proposal,  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  a  portion  of 
the  country  lying  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  that 
may  be  suitable  for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  co- 
lour. The  propriety  of  a  general  emancipation  has 
thus  been  gravely  suggested  by  five  States,  while 
Congress  has  before  it,  two  resolutions,  one  to  locate 
the  coloured  persons,  who  are  or  may  be  set  free,  in 
our  own  country,  and  the  other,  providing  the  ways 
and  means.  It  would  be  idle  to  assert,  that  our  rights 
would  not  be  impaired,  and  that  the  efficacy  of  our 
police  regulations  would  still  remain  unobstructed, 
by  the  two  last  contemplated  provisions.  The  annu- 
al subduction  of  a  portion  of  our  population  could  not 
progress,  without  vitally  affecting  the  safety  of  our 
property.  Is  it  consonant  with  the  principles  of  hu- 
man nature  to  believe,  that  our  slaves  could  witness 
the  removal  of  their  brethren,  without  an  effort  on 
their  part  to  participate  in  the  imaginary  benefits  of 
the  congressional  statute  ?  Let  the  dazzling  project 
of  Messrs.  King  and  Tucker  be  adopted  ;  and  it  would 
not  require  our  voluntary  consent  to  cease  to  be  the 
owners  of  slaves.    The  extinguishment  of  the  rela- 


1 


tion  of  master  and  servant,  would  be  the  work  of  a 
day,  and  humanity  would  weep,  while  the  hand  of 
desolation  registered  the  issue  of  the  conflict.  But 
admitting,  that  my  apprehensions  are  illusory.  When 
this  grand  scheme  shall  have  been  consummated,  will 
the  advocates  of  domestic  or  foreign  colonization  rest 
satisfied  ?  Are  their  views  bounded  by  the  circle  that 
encompasses  the  free  negroes  ?  Their  avowed  de- 
clarations contradict  the  presumption,  as  I  hope  fuliy 
to  establish. 

Thirdly: — The  executive  of  the  United  States,  by 
his  legal  adviser,  has  deemed  it  expedient  to  promulge 
the  alarming  doctrine,  that  South- Carolina  possesses 
no  right  to  enact  laws,  guarding  against  the  corruption 
and  consequent  insubordination  of  her  slaves,  if  such 
laws  tend  to  prohibit  the  free  ingress  and  egress  of  the 
coloured  citizens  of  Great  Britain.    The  people  of  the 
United  States  are  wrell  aware  of  the  causes  which  led 
to  the  adoption  of  this  statutory  provision,  on  the  part 
of  South-Carolina.    The  national  government  knew 
that  it  was  an  act  of  necessity,  predicated  on  the  im- 
mutable principles  of  self-preservation  ;  and  yet,  on 
the  petition  of  an  obscure  subject  of  George  IV,  and 
without  a  solitary  argument  in  our  defence,  or  an 
explanation  of  the  reason  of  our  conduct,  we  have 
been  solicited  to  repeal  a  statute,  at  once  one  of  the 
most  wise  and  prudential  measures  to  be  found  in  the 
archives  of  our  legislation.    Although  it  is  notorious, 
that  for  a  series  of  years,  we  have  had  to  contend 
with  internal  and  external  enemies,  it  is  yet,  it  would 
seem,  confidently  expected,  that  we  shall  put  to  haz- 
ard our  dearest  privileges,  rather  than  impair  the  self- 
styled  liberties  of  a  Hindoo,  or  a  Malay.    The  deter- 
mined opposition  of  South-Carolina,  to  this  improvi- 
dent Executive  proceeding,  and  her  opinion  respecting 
the  extent  and  bearing  of  the  treaty-making  power, 
it  was  fairly  presumable  to  suppose  would  have  indu- 
ced the  constituted  authorities  to  pause  and  reflect. 
Little  did  we  imagine,  that  the  President  so  soon 
should  have  disregarded  our  remonstrance.    By  his 
ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Colombia,  another  oc- 
casion has  been  furnished  for  the  recurrence  of  the 


case  of  Elkison,  and  hence,  for  a  direct  collision 
with  as.    In  rhat  republic,  negroes  are  admitted  to  the 
privileges  of  citizenship.    The  treaty  guarantees  iheir 
admission  into  any  port  of  these  United  States.  Our 
laws  forbid  their  entrance,  under  the  penalty  of  seizure 
and  imprisonment.    The  very  serious  evil  then  inci- 
dent to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and  of  which 
we  have  so  justly  complained,  is  here  renewed  under 
circumstances,  calculated  to  excite  the  regret  of  every 
lover  of  his  country.    Should  a  vessel  from  Colom- 
bia or  Great  Britian  be  seized  by  the  sheriff,  South- 
Carolina  must  either  atone  for  the  injury,  or  the  na- 
tional government  must  compel  her  to  acquiesce  in 
the  imperative  edict  of  the  President  and  Senate.  A 
remonstrance  from  either  of  the  aggrieved  parties, 
would  infallibly  create  such  an  unfortunate  dilemma, 
as  to  render  the  alternative  to  which  I  have  alluded, 
unavoidable.    The  complaints  of  foreign  powers  can- 
not pass  unheeded — the  faith  of  the  United  states  must 
not  be  questioned — the  safety  of  South-Carolina — 
the  welfare  of  the  slave-holding  States — we  can  never 
permit  to  be  jeopardized.    In  the  final  adjustment  of 
this  anticipated  controversy,  respecting  a  right  of  ju- 
risdiction, may  wisdom  guide  our  deliberations,  and 
justice  adjudge  the  verdict. 

Fourthly: — It  is  well  known,  that  the  African  Co- 
lonization Society  are  about  to  petition  Congress  for 
pecuniary  aid  ;  and,  with  a  view  of  substantiating  their 
claim,  and  of  quieting  all  apprehensions,  they  have  offi- 
cially stated,  that  the  sole  object  of  their  association  is 
"  to  promote  and  execute  a  plan  for  colonizing  (with 
their  consent)  the  free  people  of  colour  residing  in  our 
country,  in  Africa ;  or  such  other  place,  as  Congress 
shall  deem  most  expedient."  From  the  eighth  annual 
report,  it  would  appear,  that  this  society  was  founded 
for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  slaveiholding'  States, 
and  that  our  friends  at  the  East  are  unwilling  to  con- 
tribute by  gift,  or  otherwise,  their  money  to  remove 
an  evil  with  which  they  are  not  afflicted.  "  The  im- 
pression at  the  East,"  say  the  Rev.  George  Boyd 
and  Dr.  Ayres  "  appeared  to  be  general,  that  the 
Colonization  Society   was   an  expedient  devised 


9 


by  the  holders  of  slaves  to  get  rid  of  the  free  black 
population  ;  who  being  at  liberty  to  inform  themselves, 
became  troublesome  as  they  became  enlightened." 
This  declaration  is  made  in  the  face  of  the  fact,  that  the 
Colonization  Society  originated  with  a  citizen  of  New- 
Jersey,  and  that  its  branches,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
are  located  exclusively  in  those  sections  of  the  couutry, 
where  slavery  is  prohibited.  It  is  notorious,  that  in 
the  Northern  and  Eastern  States,  an  uniformity  of 
sentiment  and  of  action  has  invariably  prevailed  in 
relation  to  the  degraded  condition  of  free  negroes  and 
mulattoes.  With  them  these  people  have  ever  been 
viewed  as  a  nuisance  of  incalculable  magnitude — as 
a  cancerous  affection  that  was  corroding  the  vitals  of 
their  political  body.*  Yet,  in  despite  of  their  cease- 
less complaints  on  this  subject,  as  expressed  by  legisla- 
tive proceedings,  grand  jury  recommendations,  and 
the  coustentaneous  voice  of  the  press,  we  are  calmly 
told,  that  the  number  of  their  free  coloured  population 
is  too  inconsiderable  to  merit  their  serious  attention.f 
But  do  we,  can  we  believe,  that  this  association,  was 
instituted  for  our  benefit?  Since  its  organization, 
have  we  exulted  in  its  exaggerated  success,  or  contri- 
buted our  mite  to  further  the  avowed  beneficence  of  its, 
views?  Consult  its  .records,  and  see  who  are  its  ad- 
mirers, its  supporters.  True,  it  wears  a  winning  and 
a  favourable  aspect.  "  The  free  people  of  colour 
placed  midway  between  freedom  and  slavery,  they 
know  neither  the  incentives  of  the  one,  nor  the  re- 
straints of  the  other  :  but  are  alike  injurious  by  their 
conduct  and  example,  to  all  other  classes  of  the  com- 
munity." Policy  and  humanity,  therefore,  strongly 
recommend  their  removal.  Why  then  our  hostility  ? 
Why  attempt  to  frustrate  a  scheme,  that  is  as  honoura- 
ble to  the  nation,  as  it  must  be  acceptible  to  the 
Deity  ?  To  these  questions,  I  would  reply,  by  pro- 
pounding other  queries.  Why  have  the  advocates  of 
colonization,   with  the  constitution  of  their  society 

*  See  speech  of  Judge  Smith,  on  the  admission  of  Missouri, 
f  See  Note  A.  at  the  end. 


2 


le 

before  them,  said  to  Congress,  "lend  us  your  aid  to 
strike  the  fetters  from  the  slave,  and  to  spread  the  en- 
joyment of  unfettered  freedom  over  the  whole  of 
our  favoured  and  happy  land."*    Why  have  they  en- 
tered into  a  calculation  to  show,  that  #2,000,000,  or 
a  eapitation  tax  of  less  than  25  cents  on  all  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  would  transport  the  whole  an- 
nual increase  of  bond  and  free ;  and  that  if  30,000  of 
the  black  population  be  annually  removed,  the  whole 
could  be  removed,  within  50  years,  at  the  yearly  ex- 
pense of  %  i  ,800,000  ?    Why  have  they  declared,  that 
our  slaves  cannot  long  be  kept  in  ignorance — that  they 
are  surrounded  by  the  memorials  of  freedom — that 
the  air  which  they  breathe,   and  the  land  which  they 
water  with  their  tears  is  a  land  of  liberty ;  that  they 
are  never  slow  in  learning  that  they  arc  fettered,  and 
that  freedom  is  the  birth  right  of  humanity. t  Under 
the  operation  of  such  feelings,  they  hypocritically  in- 
form us,  that  they  will  never  consent  to  impair  our 
rights  by  an  unsolicited  intercession.    As  if  wc  were 
buried  in  the  labyrinth  of  Ethiopian  stupidity,  they 
kindly  assure  ur»,  that  our  good  is  the  impelling  power 
of  their  hcarts.J    But  there  is  one  other  view  of  this 
subject  which  is  more  acutely  interesting,  and  vastly 
more  important.    The  adopted  report  of  their  com- 
mittee sets  forth,  "that  Congress  ought  to  be  requested 
to  take  under  its  protection  the  colony  already  planted ; 
to  make  provision  for  its  increase,  by  suitable  appro- 
priations of  money,  and  by  authorizing  the  President 
to  make  further  purchases  of  land  from  the  natives, 
as  it  may  be  wanted;  to  provide  for  its  security,  in- 
tend and  external,  by  such  regulations  for  its  tempo- 
rary government,  as  may  be  deemed  advisable,  and 
by  authorizing  the  President  to  employ  a  suitable  na- 
val force  on  the  coast,  as  well  for  the  more  effectual 

*  Extmot  from  CJ.  \V.  P.  Guslis'  speech  before  the  African  Colo- 
nization Society. 

+  See  an  article  from  the  Christian  Spectator,  in  the  8th  annual 
report  of  the  African  Colonization  Society. 

|  See  the  ppepfhes  of  the  Members  of  the  African  Colonization 
Society. 


11 


suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  as  for  the  purpose  of 
impressing  the  natives  with  respect  for  the  establish- 
ment ;  and  to  make  provision  for  the  purchase,  from 
lime  to  time,  of  suitable  territories,  on  the  south- 
western coast  of  Africa,  for  the  establishment  of  other 
similar  colonies,  as  far  as  they  can  be  formed,  with  a 
due  regard  to  the  national  resources,  and  the  public 
good."  There  is  perhaps  not  one  line  of  this  extract, 
that  is  not  susceptible  of  the  most  conclusive  objec- 
tions, is  it  the  policy  of  this  government  to  adopt  the 
colonial  system  r  Is  no  danger,  to  the  colonies  that 
may  be  planted  to  be  apprehended  from  the  numeri- 
cal superiority  and  intrigue  of  the  natives?  None 
from  the  commercial  avidity  of  Great  Britain?  Is  it 
not  more  than  problematical,  that  force  alone  will  be 
able  to  preserve  our  establishments  from  the  grasping 
ambition  of  foreign  powers  ?  These  and  a  thousand 
other  considerations,  may  be  adduced,  to  prove  the 
many  causes  that  will  conspire  to  frustrate  the  design" 
of  the  friends  of  foreign  colonization.  But  to  accom- 
plish even  the  legitimate  views  of  the  Society,  it  must 
be  apparent,  is  not  within  the  reach  of  their  fiscal  abi- 
lity. The  concentrated  energies  of  all  the  States,  and 
theactive  practical  efforts  of  the  national  government 
may  possibly  ameliorate,  but  can  never  effectually 
eradicate  the  existing  evil,  without  the  introduction  of 
a  concomitant,  a  hundred  fold  more  disastrous  to  indi- 
vidual and  national  prosperity  and  happiness.*  Let, 
however,  the  States  be  governed  by  their  own  subli- 
mated notions  of  policy,  let  them  extend  the  hand  of 
patronage,  in  a  manner  compatible  with  the  rights  of 
the  several  members  of  the  confederacy,  but  against 
any  and  every  act  of  legislation  by  Congress  on  this 
topic  of  painful  import  the  Southern  States  will  record 
their  solemn  protest.  Whoever  has  watched  the  pro- 
gress of  our  political  events  for  the  last  twenty  years, 
whoever  remembers  the  inflammatory  speeches  on  the 
Missouri  bill,  must  be  aware,  that  no  subject,  in 
which  the  question  of  slavery  may  be  directly  or  in- 
cidentally introduced,  can  be  canvassed,  without  the 


*  See  the  remarks  under  the  second  division. 


V2 


most  malevolent  and  serious  excitement.    Will  not 
the  constitutionality  of  appropriating  the  national 
resources  for  the  purpose  of  forming  and  aiding  fo- 
reign establishments,  be  naturally  questioned  ?  WiU 
not  the  avowed  design  of  the  Colonization  Societies, 
although  covered  with  the  sacred  mantles  of  humani- 
ty and  patriotism,  be  scrutinized  and  investigated  ? 
And  can  we  believe,  that  this  investigation  will  not 
tend  to  <  ngender  animosities,  and  to  arouse  all  the 
latent  passions  of  the  mind?    Can  we  hope  to  wit- 
ness a  pacific  examination  of  any  measure,  when  one 
party  is  prompted  by  the  powerful  dictates  of  self-pre- 
servation, and  the  other  animated  by  a  fanatical  zeal  ? 
The  character  of  man  forbids  the  presumption — ihe 
history  of  sectional  divisions  negatives  the  inference. 
But  should  the  petition  under  consideration,  in  despite 
of  the  spirit  of  the  constitution,  and  the  plainest  dic- 
tates of  reason,  of  justice  and  policy,  he  granted,  other 
consequences,  involving  the  resources  and  safety  of 
the  Union,  will  inevitably  ensue.    Once  the  Colony 
of  Liberia  is  token  under  the  protection  of  the  nation- 
al government,  by  assent  of  Congress,  the  moral 
and  physical  force  of  the  country  must  be  devoted  to 
its  support  and  protection.    No  invasion  of  its  terri- 
tory can  be  permitted,  and  every  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  its  prosperity,  we  shall  be  solemnly  bound  to  re- 
move, even  at  the  expense  of  the  blood  of  our  citizens. 
Is  it  then  an  improbable  conjecture,  that  Great  Bri- 
tain, prompted  by  mercantile  avidity,  and  her  well 
known  jealousy  of  the  rising  strength  and  greatness 
of  our  navy,  will  use  every  effort,  that  intrigue  may 
suggest,  to  involve  us  in  a  defensive  war :  and  that 
too,  to  be  waged  by  a  force,  that  from  its  concentra- 
tion, will  be  liable  to  be  crushed  in  a  day,  by  the  nu- 


not  occur  for  a  series  of  years — the  records  of  her  di- 
plomacy may  still  continue  to  bear  the  impress  of  po- 
litical good  faith  and  friendship.  But  as  soon  as  the 
commerce  of  the  Colony  shall  be  of  sufficient  value 
to  attract  her  attention,  an  assumed  natural  grievance, 
will  not  be  v.  anting,  forcibly  to  wrest  it  from  our 
hands.    To  this  alarming  consideration,  predicated 


of  her  marine  ?    This  event  may 


IS 


on  the  history  of  Great  Britain,  I  would  add,  that'the 
Colony  at  Liberia  will  annually  require  increased  ap- 
propriations ;  taxation  will  insensibly  become  more 
burthensome,  and  perhaps  ultimately  levied  on  those 
States,  for  whose  benefit,  it  is  said,  the  system  of  co- 
lonization has  been  established. 

Fifthly; — Admitting,  however,  that  the  petition 
of  the  African  Colonization  Society,  and  the  resolu- 
tions of  Ohio,  and  Messrs.  King  and  Tucker,  shall 
meet  with  the  merited  disapprobation  of  Congress, 
yet,  the  abolitionists  will  have  gained  one  essential 
point.  The  notoriety  of  these  legislative  proceedings, 
and  the  fact  that  emancipation  has  assumed  a  popular 
aspect,  will,  independent  of  incidental  circumstances, 
generate  a  state  of  feeling,  hostile  to  our  tranquillity 
and  interests.  The  abolitionists  cannot  hope,  nor  per- 
haps, do  they  desire,  that  all  of  their  proposals  should 
be  immediately  sanctioned.  Any  sudden  effort, 
fundamentally  to  alter  the  conditions  of  a  society, 
they  are  aware,  is  unwise,  and  invariably  attended  by 
desolating  convulsions.  It  is  their  policy  then,  that 
one  cautious  and  apparently  innocent  measure  shall 
insensibly  succeed  another — the  judgment  will  conti- 
nue to  be  racked  to  devise  new  expedients ;  and  when 
their  grand  scheme  shall  have  been  sufficiently  matur- 
ed, the  veil  of  hypocricy  will  be  unmasked,  and  ano- 
ther fanatical  anchorite,  like  Peter  of  old,  shall  de- 
clare to  us,  at  the  head  of  his  myrmidons,  that  their 
cause  is  the  voice  of  God.  v  Our  history  has  verified 
the  melancholy  truth,  that  one  educated  slave,  or  co- 
loured freeman,  with  an  insinuating  address,  is  capa- 
ble of  infusing  the  poison  of  insubordination  into  the 
whole  body  of  the  black  population.  Possessing  our 
means  of  information,  it  cannot  be  supposed,  that  he 
will  be  unacquainted  with  our  domestic  and  political 
transactions.  Is  it  not  likely  too,  that  he  will  inten- 
tionally misrepresent  facts,  and  draw  with  a  deeper 
colouring  the  lineaments  of  those  baneful  pictures, 
with  which  he  may  be  furnished  ?  Was  not  this  real- 
ly done  by  the  leaders  of  what  is  termed  the  Gullah 
war  in  this  State — of  the  insurrection  at  Stono  iu 
1740.  and  of  the  contemplated  risings  of  the  negroes, 


14 


at  Camden  in  1816,  and  in  Charleston,  in  1^31  ?  

Di  '  •»  »r  t.><*  unreflecting  zeal  of  the  North  and  East, 
an  I  Tua  injudicious  speeches  oii  the  Missouri  juesiion 
animate  V esey  in  his  hellish  efforts  ?    Were  they  not 
indirectly  tendered  to  him  for  a  guidance,  by  self- 
styled  patriots,  and  by  those  whom  we  have  been  ac- 
customed to  respect  as  the  faithful  expounders  of  the 
word  of  God,  the  most  "  wild  and  frantic  ideas  of  the 
rights  of  man,  the  mis-conceived  injunctions  and  ex- 
amples of  Holy  Writ  ?"    This  manifestly  indiscreet 
conduct  of  the  abolitionists  constitutes  an  evil,  against 
which,  from  its  essensial  nature,  we  cannot  guard. 
If  then  such  are  the  anticipated  results  attendant  on 
the  discussion  of  any  question  incidentally  relating  to 
slavery,  what  have  we  not  to  expect,  when  our  right 
to  our  slaves  shall  be  disputed,    And  can  this  ever  be 
done  ?    The  abolitionists  have  said,  that  the  dictates 
of  truth  and  of  justice,  precede  all  the  enactments  of 
man.    They  might  turn  to  the  8th  Sec.  of  the  1st  Ar- 
ticle of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  con- 
firmatory of  the  power  of  Congress  to  extirpate  sla- 
very, should  the  welfare  of  the  nation  demand  it. — 
This  remark  is  not  an  idle  chimera  of  the  brain,  but  was 
once  suggested  by  as  profound  a  politician  as  our  coun- 
try has  ever  boasted,  and  before  an  auditory  of  as  wise 
legislators,  as  ever  graced  the  Senate  Chamber  of 
Greece  and  Rome.    The  eloquent  Patrick  Henry,  in 
his  celebrated  speech  before  the  Virginia  Convention, 
on  the  question  of  ratifying  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  held  this  prophetic  language.    "  If  you 
give  power  to  the  general  government  to  provide  for 
the  general  welfare:  the  means  must  be  commensu- 
rate to  the  end.    All  the  means  in  the  possessson  of 
the  people  must  be  given  to  the  government  which  is 
intrusted  with  the  public  defence.    In  this  State  (Vir- 
ginia) there  are  236,000  blacks,  and  there  are  many 
in  several  other  States.    But  there  are  few  or  none 
in  the  Northern  States,  and  yet  if  the  Northern 
States  shall  be  of  opinion,  that  our  numbers  are 
numberles,  they  may  call  forth  every  national  re- 
source.   May  Congress  not  say,  that  every  black 
man  must  fight  ?    Did  we  not  see  a  little  of  this 


15 


hi  the  last  war  ?   We  were  not  so  hard  pushed,  as  to 
makr  emancipation  general.    But  acts  of  assembly 
passed,  that  every  one  who  would  go  to  the  army 
should  be  free.    Another  thing  will  contribute  to  bring 
this  event  about— slavery  is  detested — we  feel  its  fatal 
effects — we  abhor,  we  deplore  it  ourselves  with  all 
the  pity  of  humanity.    Let  these  considerations,  at 
some  future  period,  press  with  full  force  on  the  minds 
of  Congress.    Let  that  urbanity,  which  I  trust  will 
distinguish  America,  let  the  necessity  of  national  de- 
fence :  let  all  these  things  I  say  operate  upon  their 
minds,  and  they  will  search  that  paper  to  see  if  they 
have  power  of  manumission.    And  have  they  not  that 
power,  Sir?    Have  they  not  power  to  provide  for  the 
general  defence  and  welfare  ?    May  they  not  think 
that  these  call  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  ?    May  they 
not  pronounce  all  slaves  free,  and  will  they  not  be 
warranted  by  that  power  ?    There  is  no  ambigous 
implication,  or  logical  deduction  in  this  part.  The 
paper  speaks  to  the  point.    They  have  the  powtr  in 
clear  unequivocal  terms ;  and  they  will  clearly  and  cer- 
tainly exercise  it"    This  appalling  prediction  is  about 
to  be  verified.    Every  breeze  from  the  East  and  North 
wafts  the  intelligence  of  its  speedy  consummation. 
The  movements  of  the  public  proclaim  its  fulfilment.* 
Sixthly  : — *The  press  has  been  emphatically  called 
the  palladium  of  our  rights.    If  shackled  by  legisla- 
tive provisions,  freedom  cannot  exist.    Although,  1  do 
most  broadly  subscribe  to  this  well  known  maxim  of 
political  truth ;  yet,  should  the  conductors  of  our  pub- 
lic journals  prompted  by  an  unbridled  fanaticism  pro- 
mulge  opinions,  that  tend  to  generate  geographical 
distinctions,  fatal  to  the  repose  and  permanency  of 


*  Among  probably  fifty  newspapers,  see  National  fntelligencer  of 
August  3d;  1 825 — Article — Dewey's  letters — National  Intelligencer, 
writer,  Lycurgus  the  Younger — National  Journal  of  J  3th  August, 
.1825 — writer,  Philo  Lycurgus  the  Younger— Newark  (Ohio)  Advo- 
cate for  July — Boston  Recorder  for  six  months  past,  and  Portsmouth 
(N.H.)  Journal  of  August  27t!i.  From  these  sources,  the  reader  will 
find,  thai  ih«  power  of  Congress  to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  the 
people  ot  the  Southern  States,  over  the  slave  population,  is  maintained 
by  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  the  North  and  East. 


IB 


our  happy  institutions,  it  will  become  the  solemn  duty 
of  every  citizen  to  expose  their  machinations,  and  to 
arrest  the  tendency  of  thoir  culpable  labours.  The 
period  then  has  arrived,  for  a  more  powerful  and  sys- 


would  be  easy  to  find  in  the  records  of  any  nation. 
Religious  and  political  phrenzy  has  lighted  the  torch  of 
desolation  in  many  an  unhappy  country.  It  now  re- 
mains for  a  moral  mania  to  exhibit  the  destructive- 
ness  of  its  power.  In  the  newspapers  of  the  North 
and  East,  the  question  of  emancipation  is  as  calmnly 
and  soberly  discussed,  as  if  it  were  a  subject,  on  the 
decision  of  which,  the  interests  of  a  few  individuals 
alone  were  concerned.  There  are  but  few  numbers 
of  their  numerous  periodical  wrorks,  that  have  not  an 
article  on  this  copious  topic — scarcely  a  book,  whose 
pages  are  not  sullied  by  the  most  distorted  represen- 
tations of  the  state  of  domestic  servitude  at  the  South. 
Whatever  may  be  the  nature  of  the  subject,  whatever 
the  design  of  the  publication,  whether  to  sketch  the 
characters  of  the  Signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence,* or  to  instruct  the  youthful  mind  in  the  first 
rudiments  of  knowledge,t  slavery,  slavery,  slavery,  is 
there.  Agaiust  the  constitutional  privileges  of  the 
slave-holder,  to  use  the  horrible  and  savage  language 
of  the  Edinburgh  Review,  it  would  seem  as  if  they 
had  "  declared  interminable  war,  war  for  themselves, 
and  for  their  children,  and  for  their  grand-children — 
war  without  peace — war  without  truce — war  without 
quarter."! 

Seventhly  : — But  the  press  is  but  one  powerful 
item  in  the  long  catalogue  of  our  grievances.  His- 
tory confirms  my  assertiou,  that  the  Clergy  have  in  all 
ages  exercised  an  almost  boundless  sway  over  the 
minds  and  actions  of  mandkind.    At  the  era  of  super- 

*  Sanderson's  Lives. 

f  The  author  has  read  several  books  fur  youth,  manufactured  at 
Boston  and  New- York,  with  a  page  or  two  devoted  to  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  horrors  and  sin  of  negro  slavery. 


tematic  attack  on  personal  and 


%  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  82 — Article,  West-Indies — a  Philadel- 
phia paper,  speaks  of  ;<  fighting  19  for  emancipation. 


n 

stition  and  bigotry,  they  controlled  exclusively  both 
spiritual  and  temporal  matters.  Although  from  the 
general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  and  the  ascendant 
power  of  education,  their  influence  has  been  conside- 
rably diminished,  it  is  yet  of  vast  and  potent  magni- 
tude. So  long  as  this  influence  shall  be  confined  to  its 
legitimate  sphere,  the  revolutions  of  the  sacred  wheel 
of  truth  and  religion,  will  be  constant,  regular,  salu- 
tary. But  whenever  some  direful  cause  shall  propel 
it  beyond  its  proper  orbit,  its  characteristic  traits  will 
be  obliterated,  and  obedience  to  its  admonitions  shall 
cease  to  be  a  virtue.  Far  from  the  scenes,  of  the  merits 
of  which,  many  of  the  Clergymen  of  the  non-slave 
holding  states  are  incited  by  false  philanthropy  to  de- 
cide, abstract  moral  principles  alone  constituting  tiieir 
guide.  The  perverted  tenets  of  the  gospel  are  array- 
ed against  the  existence  of  an  established  order  of 
polity,  which  no  power  but  that  of  God,  or  the  slow 
progress  of  time,  can  ever  ameliorate,  without  blood- 
shed. A  fellow-being  is  lawfully  held  in  servitude. 
To  unfetter  him,  they  would  trample  on  the  bodies  of 
their  friends  and  neighbours,  nay,  would  apply  the 
match  of  conflagration  to  that  sacred  political  edifice, 
which  secures  their  rights — which  vigilantly  guards 
that  very  religion,  that  teaches  peace  on  earth,  and 
good  will  to  all  mankind.  "  Our  slaves,"  says  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Liudsley,  •«  are  here  doomed  under  Christian 
masters,  to  drink  the  bitterest  cup  ever  presented  to 
the  lips  of  humanity.  The  very  tenderest  mercies 
which  they  experience  at  our  hands,  are  cruelty  and 
mockery,  compared  with  the  harshest  treatment  which 
the  Mussulman  has  ever  shown  to  a  Christian  subject 
in  time  of  peace."  "  Our  slaves  must  be  emancipated 
upon  the  soil  which  they  cultivate.  There  is  no  al- 
ternative. And  here  they  will  be  emancipated,  either 
by  the  fears,  the  interests,  or  the  Christian  kindness  of 
their  oppressors  ;  or  they  will,  by  violence,  wrest  the 
rod  from  the  tyrant's  grasp,  and  drench  in  the  white 
man's  blood  that  soil  which  has  long  been  watered 
by  their  tears."  "  One  daring  effort  will  break  their 
chains  forever."   "  Twenty  white  men  might  live  very 

H 


obedient  to  thfcir  masters'  pleasure  in  Algiers ;  but 
twenty  thousand,  however  Christian  they  mi»ht  be, 
Would  not  hesitate  to'rrgain  their  liberty  at  the  hazard 
of  lestroying  the  whole  city,  and  of  burying  in  its 
ruins  the  entire  population.  Is  there  in  our  voca- 
bulary, words  of  a  more  insulting  and  sanguinary 
import  ?  Is  it  within  the  grasp  of  a  Milton's  graphic 
pencil  to  delineate  a  picture  more  satanical,  and  so 
faithfully  typical  of  the  diabolical  hand  that  sketched 
it  ?  These  declarations  were  promulged  from  the  site, 
where  but  a  lew  moments  previous,  he  had  implored, 
on  bended  knees,  the  mercy  of  Jehovah  for  himself, 
and  his  fellow -men.  And  who  constituted  his  audi- 
tory ?  Young  men  from  the  Slave  holding  States,f  by 
whose  means,  he  was  supplied  with  the  bread  on  his 
table — young  men,  on  whose  susceptible  minds,  this 
accomplished  hyprocrite,  hoped  to  stamp  an  impres- 
sion, adverse  to  the  security  of  their  rights  and  pro- 
perty. The  following  remarks,  it  is  said,  show  the 
grounds  of  clerical  interference,  with  regard  to  our 
slave  population.  "  It  is  grievous,"  observes  Mr.  Gray, 
in  one  of  his  late  sermons,  *4  to  witness  the  protracted 
struggle  that  right  principle  has  still  to  maintain  with 
cupidity  and  power,  in  regard  to  the  final  abolition  of 
slavery — a  contest,  that  on  the  one  side  supports  itself 
by  no  better  arguments  than  a  claim  of  pretended 
right  on  the  part  of  the  strong  to  tyrannize  over  the 
weak,  to  perpetuate  robbery  and  violence,  and  to  pro- 
fit to  the  utmost  by  the^e  ;  to  exclude  from  the  rights 
of  humanity,  and  to  embitter  with  hard  bondage,  the 
liv- s  of  a  certain  race  of  men,  and  that  through  in- 
terminable generations — a  right,  like  that  of  Pharaoh, 
to  usurp  possession  of  the  persons  and  services  of  fo- 
re"«  rs,  and  these  foreigners  not,  as  they  were  in  that 
instance,  voluntary  settlers  in  the  land — a  right,  in 
short,  secured  by  purchase  money,  to  commit  enormous 
crimes"  "  It  seems  to  me  manifest,  in  a  religious  point 
of  view,  that  we  have  arrived,  or  are  arriving  nation- 

*  Dr.  Lindsley's  farewell  sermon,  delivered  at  Princeton,  August 
15th,  1824. 

t  Numbers  of  the  students  at  Princeton,  are  and  have  ever  been 
from  the  Southern  states. 


19 


ally,  at  a  great  crisis  as  to  this  question,  (emancipation) 
and  that  high  moral  interests  are  at  stake  in  the  deri- 
sion i  is  o  meet  with."  If  the  ends  of  religion  and 
morality  are  to  be  attained  by  the  wanton  sacrifice  of 
human  victims — if  the  works  of  Providence  are  ac- 
complished by  other  than  slow  and  beneficent  means, 
then,  indeed,  such  arguments  are  founded  on  right 
principle  ;"  then  is  the  Bible  a  creature  of  fiction,  and 
experience  of  no  value  or  profit. 

Jughthly: — In  Great  Britain  there  are  220  Aboli- 
tion ►Societies.*  Iti  the  United  States  the  number  is 
already  large  (about  50)  and  daily  increasing.  .Be- 
tween these  societies,  a  constant  interchange  of  senti- 
ments and  of  plans  is  sedulously  preserved.  Here 
then  is  an  engine  of  sufficient  moral  power  to  move, 
and  in  time  to  propel  the  whole  force  of  public  opin- 
ion, contrary  to  the  plainest  dictates  of  reason,  of  poli- 
cy, and  of  justice,  so  far  as  it  must  vitally  affect  the 
permanent  interests  of  our  country  The  exertions 
of  the  British  associations  are  impelled  by  the  wealth 
and  aristocracy  of  the  nation,  supported  by  the  two 
best  edited  Reviews  in  the  world.  The  efforts  of  our 
sori<  ties  are  animated  by  visionary  political  and  com- 
mercial motives,  aided  by  religious  fanaticism.  Should 
the  first  succeed  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  object, 
Great  Britain  will  yet  be  an  undivided  empire.  Her 
present  West -India  possessions,  whether  independent, 
or  subordinate  to  her  jurisdiction, — whether  governed 
by  a  white  or  a  black  population,  will  ever  be  to  her 
a  source  of  wealth  and  power.  The  numerical  su- 
periority of  her  marine,  her  boundless  pecuniary  re- 
sources, and  the  unrivalled  extent  and  perfection  of 
her  manufacturing  establishments,  warrant  this  infer- 
ence. But  should  the  day  ever  dawn,  when  the  slave- 
holding  states  shall  be  obligated  by  a  congressional 
statute,  or  any  other  power,  to  yield  their  property, 
and  as  a  necessary  result,  their  influence  in  the  nation- 
al councils,  farewt  11  to  our  happy  institutions.  Once 
successfully  assailed  by  the  demon  of  division,  neither 
the  eloquence  of  the  patriot,  nor  the  prayers  of  the 

*  Christian  Spectator  Ur  September,  1824 — page  562. 


2U 


philanthropist  will  ever  restore  the  moral  cement  that 
united  us  as  a  nation. 

How  often  has  Great  Britain  insidiously  attempted 
to  sow  among  these  States  the  seeds  of  disunion,  and 
to  cut  thegordian  knot  that  binds  them  to  the  confed- 
eracy. To  her,  but  more  especially  to  the  "  Holy 
Alliance,'!  our  institutions  are  a  bane  and  a  curse, 
Fioin  their  arms  we  have  naught  to  fear.  The  con- 
gregated physical  force  of  the  world  we  defy,  but  we 
dread  secret  attacks— the  dagger  of  the  night  Attafeiii, 
we  cannot  evade.  Symnt,)ms  oi  an  aiamjjng  jntes_ 
tine  division  exist  among  us.  The  despots  of  Europe 
know,  that  if  judiciously  encouraged,  a  disruption  of 
our  union  may  reward  their  labours.  Great  Britain 
teJIs  us,  of  what  avail  is  it  to  abolish  the  slave  trade, 
if  our  own  citizens  are  invited  to  elude  the  prohibition, 
by  the  domestic  servitude  that  our  laws  confirm.  She 
points  to  her  parliamentary  records,  as  presumptive 
evidence  of  her  final  object  relative  to  her  West-India 
possessions;  and,  if  by  such  arguments  and  appeals 
to  our  honor,  our  patriotism,  and  our  sympathy,  she 
can  fan  the  flame  of  emancipation,  lighted  by  the 
Northern  and  Eastern  States,  to  a  wide  spreading 
conflagration,  the  true  motive  of  her  present  extraor- 
dinary movement,  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  will  be 
unveiled. 

Having  thus  cursorily  noticed  a  few  of  the  promi- 
nent dangers,  that  threaten  the  peace  and  tranquillity 
ot  the  slave-holding  states,  it  remains  for  me  to  inves- 
tigate their  causes.  As  a  preparatory  inquiry,  I  would 
ask,  have  the  Southern  States  violated  the  constitution 
of  the  Union?  Have  they  attempted  to  infringe  on 
state  rights  ?  Since  the  organization  of  the  govern- 
ment, have  they  done  any  act  to  merit  the  rebuke  of 
the  other  members  of  the  confederacy?  No!  They 
have  not  been  thus  accused.  Then  why  this  extraor- 
dinary and  unnatural  excitement  ?  Why  these  cruel 
eflbrts  to  despoil  them  of  their  heritage,  and  to  jeopar- 
dize the  safety  of  the  republic  ?  A  satisfactory  answer 
is  at  hand,  and  would  to  God,  the  necessity  of  record- 
ing it  had  never  existed.    At  the  time  of  the  adoption 


21 


of  the  Federal  Constitution,  every  state  in  the  Union 
had  a  slave  population.  Although  the  Eastern  States 
prohibited  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  their  territo- 
ries, at  a  very  early  period  of  our  history,*  they  felt 
no  conscientious  scruples,  in  continuing  to  pour  into 
the  Southern  ports  the  fruits  of  their  African  expedi- 
tions. Their  citizens  did  not  then  refuse  to  live  on  the 
M  price  of -blood,"  and  to  accumulate  wealth  by  "si- 
news bought  and  sold."t  At  this  interesting  crisis, 
was  the  sentinel  of  humanity  asleep,  or  was  the  word 
philanthropy  unknown  to  our  lexicographers?  So 
Jons:  as  their  temporal  interests  were  promoted,  the  sa- 
cred principles  of  Puritanism  could  not  be  brought  to 
oppugn  a  traffic,  offensive  to  God,  and  dishonourable 
to  human  nature.  No  dogma  of  their  system  of  ethics 
was  then  incongruous  with  the  feelings  and  the  genius 
of  individual  enterprize.  Congress,  at  length,  at  the 
recommendation  of  President  Jefferson,  interposed  its 
protecting  shield,  and  the  slave  trade  ceased  to  exist. 
Then,  and  not  till  then,  were  the  Northern  and  Eas- 
tern speculators,  seemingly  aware,  of  the  enormity  of 
the  traffic  in  human  flesh.  They  could  no  longer  glide 
down  the  rapid  stream  of  illicit  wealth — the  sand-bar 
of  public  opinion  obstructed  their  guilty  progress,  and 
radically  changed  the  course  of  their  principles  and 
their  feelings  From  this  epoch,  do  I  date  the  origin 
of  those  nefarious  attacks  on  our  rights  and  property, 

which  now  have  assumed  so  alarming  an  aspect.  

This  permanent  interruption  to  their  fiscal  operations, 
was  the  primary  cause  of  that  unhappy  excitement, 
on  which  self-preservation  invites  me  to  animadvert. 
But  the  original  motive  which  generated  this  dissatis- 
faction, would  probably  soon  have  been  buried  in  the 
womb  of  time,  had  not  a  political  mania,  furnished  a 
new  and  a  more  copious  vent  for  the  display  of  sec- 
tional bickerings,  and  unmanly  jealousies.  1  allude 
to  the  adopted  deliberations  of  the  Hartford  Conven- 

*  Virginia  abolished  the  slave  trade  in  1778,  two  years  before 
Massachusetts,  and  nine  years  before  any  other  State. —  JFaUk's  Ap- 
peal. 

*  See  Note  6.  at  the  end. 


22 


tion,  and  their  annunciation  of  the  unwarranted  asser- 
tion, thitt  the  war  against  Great  Britain  was  bought 
about  by  the  influence  of  the  Southern  Mutes  to  "  uu- 
mel  the  growing  commerce  of  their  Eastern  neig:,>.»urs. 
These  extraordinary  and  unfriendly  feelings,  origin- 
ating with,  and  propelled  by  commercial  avarice/ have 
at  length  assumed  a  political  shape,  that  bids  fair  to 
realize  the  fl  tgttious  hope  of  the  demagogue  and  the 
fanatic.    The  measure  o(  their  dernier  resort  is  now 
exhibited  in  a  tangible  form,  free  from  all  obscurity 
and  doubt,  and  an  exposi  of  its  character  and  bearing 
is  justified  by  every  consideration  of  duty  and  interest. 
The  3d  clause  of  the  2d  section  of  the  1st  article  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  declares,  that 
"  representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States,  which  may  be  included  with- 
in this  Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers, 
which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole 
nunber  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to 
service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not 
taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons."    ft  is  now,  for 
the  first  ti:ne  asserted,  mat  in  framing  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  the  representation  of  three-fifths 
of  our  slaves  wis  a  "great  concession"  on  the  part 
of  the  Northern  and  Kasteru  States;  that  it  was 
44  wrung  from  r'uem  by  their  affection  to  tin*  Union, 
and  their  wish  to  preserve  it  from  dissolution."  By 
a  reference  to  the  Journals  of  the  old  Congress,  it  will 
appear,  that  this  assertion  has  no  foundation  in  truth. 
No  compromise  was  ever  made — none  was  ever  sug- 
gested, and  the  declaration  to  the  contrary  is  advanced 
only  to  mislead  public  opinion,  with  a  view  to  secure 
to  the  non-slave  holding  states  a  fixed  ascendancy  in 
the  representation  in  Congress.    Our  slaves  now  are, 
and  have  ever  been  as  valuable  a  part  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Union,  as  any  other  equal  number  of  in- 
habitants, and  on  true  political  principles  are  entitled 
to  be  fully  represented  in  the  national  councils.  Dur- 
ing the  Revolution,  "they  were  in  numerous  instances 
the  Pioneers,  and  in  all,  the  labourers  of  our  armies. 
To  their  hands  were  owing  the  erection  of  the  great- 
est part  of  the  fortifications  raised  for  the  protection 


£3 


of  our  country — some  of  which,  particularly  Fort 
Moulrrfc,  gave,  at  that  early  period  of  the  inexperience 
anci  untried  valor  of  our  country,  immortality  to  the 
American  army.    And  in  the  Northern  States,  nume- 
rous bodies  of  them  were  enrolled  into,  and  fought  by 
the  sides  of  the  whites,  the  battles  of  the  revolution." 
"  Who  raise  your  armies — equip  your  navies — pay 
your  public  debt — enable  you  to  erect  forts,  and  arse- 
nals, and  block-houses — who  nerve  the  arm  of  the 
government,  and  enable  you  to  lift  it  for  the  protection, 
the  honor,  and  extension  of  our  beloved  republic  into 
regions  where  none  but  brutes,  and  savages  more  bru- 
tish than  them,  have  before  roamed  ?  Who  are  your 
veal  sources  in  war;  and  the  best,  J  had  almost  said 
nearly  the  only  sources  of  your  commerce  in  peace? 
Who  pays  the  expenses,  and  who,  in  fact,  enable  you 
to  go  on  with  your  government  at  all,  and  prevent  it 
from  stopping?  1  will  shew  you  by  the  papers  I  hold 
in  my  hand,  who  does  it.    This,  sir,  is  your  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury's  report,  made  a  few  weeks  ago,  by 
which  it  appears  all  the  exports  of  native  products, 
from  Maine  to  Pennsylvania  inclusive,  for  the  last 
year,  (1819)  amounted  to  only  about  eighteen  millions 
of  dollars,  while  those  among  the  slave-holding  states, 
to  the  southward  of  Pennsylvania,  amounted  to  thirty- 
two  millions  or  there ■> bouts — thereby  enabling  them- 
selves to  import  as  much  as  the  others,  and  furnishing 
the  Treasury  with  double  the  amount  the  Northern 
and  Eastern  States  do.    And  here  let  me  ask  from 
whence  these  exports  arise  ?  By  whose  hands  are  they 
made?  And  I  answer,  certainly  by  the  slaves — and 
yet  these  valuable  inhabitants,  without  whom  your 
very  government  could  not  go  on,  and  the  labour  of 
two  of  whom  in  the  Southern  States  is  more  valuable 
to  it,  than  the  labour  of  five  in  the  Eastern  States — the 
States  owning  and  possessing  them,  are  denied  a  re- 
presentation but  for  3-5ths  on  this  floor ;  while  the 
whole  of  the  comparatively  unproductive  inhabitants 
of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States,  are  fully  repre- 
sented here.    Is  this  just;  is  it  fair;  is  it  equal.  And 
yet  they  have  the  modesty  to  complain  that  the  repre- 
sentation is  unjust  and  unequal  ;  and  that  they  have 


24 


not  the  return  made  them  they  expected,  by  taxing 
the  slaves,  and  making  them  bear  a  proportion  of  U\e 
public  burthen."*  Such  are  the  sentiments  of  a  <ii$* 
tingnished  member  of  the  old  Congress,  and  the  only 
member  of  the  general  Convention,  which  framed  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  the  Sixteenth  (  oti- 
gress.  To  their  truth  every  Southern  bosom,  at  least, 
faithfully  responds,  and  their  legitimacy  has  been  ques- 
tioned only  by  those  feverish  and  dissatisfied  spirits, 
who  delight  eternally  to  wander  in  quest  of  delusive 
sectional  benefits.  My  political  philosophy  teaches 
me,  that  whatever  measures  tend  to  further  the  inter- 
ests of  a  part  of  a  nation,  tend  equally  to  advance  its 
general  welfare.  Our  republic,  imperium  in  imperio, 
is  an  anomaly  in  the  history  of  governments.  Each 
State  is  emphatically  a  distinct  power,  with  all  the 
necessary  powers  of  sovereignty,  and  it  is  not  to  be 
expected,  nor  desired,  that  its  citizens  should  divest 
themselves  of  the  feelings  incident  to  a  generous  rival- 
ship.  But  to  this  rivalship  there  are  prescribed  limits, 
beyond  which  it  cannot  pass,  without  a  train  of  unto- 
ward consequences.  Our  pseudo-patriots  are  fully 
aware,  that  the  tide  of  emigration  sets  fast  westward, 
and  that  new  States  are  rapidly  springing  up  in  that 
quarter.  To  check  this  portentous  evil  is  a  desidera- 
tum of  too  vast  a  magnitude  ever  to  be  abandoned, 
more  especially  when  it  is  remembered,  that  new  States 
cannot  rise  in  the.  East,  and  that  the  territorial  limits 
of  the  North  are  inconceivably  circumscribed,  w  hen 
compared  with  the  vast  expanse  of  the  West.  But 
will  domestic  servitude  be  permitted  in  the  territories 
that  may  be  admitted  into  the  Union  ?  Has  not  Con- 
gress assumed  the  power  "of cutting  down,  in  future, 
any  increase  in  the  prospective  representation  of  the 
South  and  West  ?"  The  present  number  of  the  Slave- 
holding  States  is  eleven,  to  which  add  East  and  West 
Florida,  (although  it  is  probable  a  great  effort  will  be 
made  to  constitute  these  territories  one  State)  and  Ar- 
kansaw,  and  we  then  shall  have  a  majority  in  the  fSe- 


*  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney's  speech  on  the  Missouri  Bill,  delivered 
February,  1820. 


£5 


Hate.*  To  the  Southern  Mates,  this  ascendancy  hi 
one  branch  of  the  Legislature  ill  be  of  incalculable 
advantage,  for  although  the  Congressional  Act  that  set 
limits  to  our  emigration  will  not  thereby  be  repealed,  it 
will  yet  tend,  perhaps  forever,  to  prevent  further  en- 
croachments on  our  chartered  rights.  Under  the  in- 
fluence of  these  impressions,  which  the  Abolitionists 
cannot  but  view  as  adverse  to  the  consummation  of 
their  schemes,  no  available  resource  is  now  unemploy- 
ed to  induce  Congress,  prior  to  the  incorporation  of 
Florida  and  Arkansaw  into  the  confederacy,  to  legis- 
late on  the  topic  of  slavery,  and  "  whenever  this  sub- 
ject," says  the  New- York  Review,  44  shall  be  consti- 
tutionally before  the  National  Legislature,  their  (the 
Northern)  votes  and  voices  will  be  always  consonant 
with  the  principles  of  that  declaration  which  first  gave 
birth  to  the  Republic." 

But  the  alleged  grievance,  of  the  undue  represen- 
tation of  the  Southern  States  in  the  National  Legis- 
lature, has  no  existence,  as  will  fully  appear  from  the 
following  statistical  facts  : — 

CENSUS  OF  1820. 


Free  Per  tons. 

Senators. 

Massachusetts, 

-    -  523,287 

...  2 

.    -    -  2 

"New-Hampshire, 

-  244,161 

-    -    -  2 

-    -  235,764 

-    -    -  2 

Connecticut,  -  - 
Rhode-Island, 

275.187 

-    -    -  2 

-    -  83,011 

-    -    -  2 

1,659,745 

12 

Fru  Persona. 

Senator  t. 

-    -    -  2 

.    .    -  2 

North-Carolina,  -  « 

»    -  433.812 

-    -    -  2 

South-Carolina,  - 

-    -  250£58 

-    -    -  2 

Kentucky,     -  - 

-    -  437,585 

-    -    -  2 

Tennessee,    -    -  - 

■    -  342,706 

-    -    -  2 

-    -    -  2 

2,596,559 

14 

*  Should  but  one  State  be  formed  of  the  Florida  Territory,  the 
Bon-slave  holding  States,  after  the  admission  •(  Miahigan  will  regam 
their  ascendancy  in  the  Senate. 


26 


Free  Persons.  Senators. 

-    -    -    i  2 


font-Hampshire,         -    244, 1 6l 
Vermont,  -    -    -        -    235,764       -   -    -    -  2 
Rhode-island,    -   -   -     83,011       -   -   -   -  2 


562,936 


Free  Person*.  Sendldrs. 
Virginia.   640,213       -    .    -    -  2 

It  Is  thus  apparent,  that  in  the  Senate,  the  Eastern 
States  have  one  Representative  for  every  138,312  Tree 
persons,  and  that  the  Southern  have  one  for  every 
185,468.  Whilst  three  of  the  Eastern  States,  with 
56*?.936  free  persons  have  six  Senators,  Virginia  with 
640,213,  has  but  two. 

Population  of  the  United  States  at  the  late  Census,    9.666  265 
Deduct  Slaves  1,531,436 

White  population,  8,128,829 

Total  population  of  the  Eastern  States,  1,659,890 
Deduct  Slaves,  145 

White  population,  1,659,745 

Total  number  of  Senators,  48. 
As  8,128,829  :  48  : :  1.659,745 :  9. 

House  of  Rejjrescntativcs. 
White  population  of  the  U.  States  at  the  late  Census,  8,1 28,829 
That  of  the  Eastern  States,  1,659,745 

Total  number  of  Members,  212. 
Actual  Representatives  of  the  six  Eastern  States,  39- 
As  8,128,829  :  212  : :  1,659,745  :  43. 


Thus,  if  we  were  to  discard  all  the  Slaves  of  the 
United  States  in  the  apportionment  of  Members  of 
Congress,  the  difference  in  favour  of  the  Eastern 
States  would  be  but  four  Members  in  a  body  of  212, 
whilst  in  the  Senate,  a  body  of  48  Members,  they 
hav  e  three  more  than  they  are  fairly  entitled  to.* 

*  In  calculations,  with  nearly  similar  results,  were  made 

"by  Mathew  Carey,  founded  on  the  Census  of  1810. 


27 

The  value  of  our  Slaves  to  the  Union,  is  shown  by  the  foUouring 
comparative  statistical  Tabic  . 


STATES. 

si 

< 

• 

Proportion  of  the  an. 
nuai  valueexported 
to  the  total  annu- 
al value  exported 
from  a*  toe  States. 

1 

Amount  annually  ex- 
ported. 

lit  11 

o  v  5  ■£ 
a  a  3  y  _ 

1 2  v~"a 

a  »  a  « 

fisvl 

DOMESTIC  PRODUCE. 

1 

FOREIGN  MERCIIANDIZK. 

N.  Hampshire, 

312,22.*) 

0.  83  pr.ct 

139,072 

0.  45  pr. 

ct 

Vermont, 

180,246 

0.  49  "  " 

45,110 

0.  14  " 

«l 

Massachusetts) 
inrTg  Maine,) 

•V  47,764 

14.28  " 

8,103,476 

26.  51  " 

ec  < 

0 

\ 

Khode-Island, 

756.157 

2.01  «  " 

695,574 

2.  27  " 

f  onnecticut, 

1,065,148 

2.84  "  " 

49,948 

0.16  " 

a 

Maryland, 

3,383,378 

9.03  "  " 

4,867,300 

15.92  « 

u 

i 

Virginia, 

4,101,923 

10.95  "  " 

256,135 

0.  83  " 

a 

N.  Carolina, 

626,488 

1.67  "  " 

6,235 

0.02  «• 

tt 

!  S.  Carolina, 

4,771,258 

12.74  "  " 

1,437,348 

4.70  " 

a 

Georgia,* 

1,745,889 

4.  66  "  " 

19,299 

0.  06  " 

a 
—  1 

Beybert's  Statistics. 

1 

"  It  appears,"  says  Mathew  Carey,  in  his  Olive 
Branch,  "  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt  or  denial, 
that  the  five  (six)  Eastern  States,  since  the  formation 
of  the  Government  to  1810,  have  exported  of  foreign 
and  domestic  articles,  including  an  immense  amount 
of  Southern  productions,  only  about  #2^9,000,000 
of  which  a  vast  proportion  was  of  foreign  productions. 
But  that  ihe  Southern  States  have  in  the  same  period 
exported  to  foreign  countries  no  less  a  sum  than 
#509,000,000,  principally  of  their  own  productions, 
or  manufactures,  exclusive  of  the  prodigious  a  noint 
of  their  cotton,  tobacco,  rice,  naval  stores,  &c.  &c. 
exported  by  the  Eastern  States.'7 


For  the  year  ending  the  30th  September,  1823, 
(Nil  U"gi m  r,  vol.  27th,)  V.w  valut  of  the  exports 
oi  tfn  grow;h,  produce  and  raanuf  *cture  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  was  #47,lo5,4(l8,  of  which  the  Southern 
States,  exported  of  cotton,  rice  and  tobacco  alone, 
#2tf,549,177. 

Cotton,  «...  $20,445,520 

Rice,        -  ...  1,820,985 

Tobacco,       -  -  -  6,282,672 

$28,549,177 


From  the  1st  October,    1823,   to  the  30th  September,  1824. 

Maine  exported  of  domestic  produce,  -  870,871 
New-Hampshire,  -  178,508 
Massachusetts,  -  4,038,972 
Vermont,  -  208,258 
Rhode  Island,  ....  556,582 
Connecticut,  «...  570,034 

6,423.825 


3,549,9.07 
3,270,478 
588,733 
7,833.713 
4,619,753 
6,4  42,946 

$26,311,580* 


This  statement  strikingly  demonstrates  the  folly  and 
injustice  of  the  ceaseless  clamour  of  the  North  and 
East,  relative  to  the  gross  inequality  of  the  represen- 
tative system,  particularly  as  it  regards  their  influence 
in  the  national  councils,  and  exhibits  the  support  that 
the  different  States  give  to  the  Union.f 

*  Gales  and  teuton's  Congressional  Register. 

f  It  is  surprizing!  that  the  Eastern  States  should  have  been  so  long 
iepa»ded  as  the  guardians  and  protenors  of  Commerce  Fn*in  ihe 
above  table,  it  is  clearly  shown,  that  the  value  of  their  exports,  the  last 
year.  '\l  not  equal  that  of  Lousiana  by  $19,121,  nor  that  of  Souths 
Carolina  by  1,409,888. 


Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North-Carolina, 

South-Carolina,  - 

Georgia, 

Louisiana, 


29 

The  value  of  our  slaves  is  at  least  ^300,000,000, 

an-' if  (iiu  deterioration  ol'our  real  property,  eoiwe- 
q  m  >n  a  premature  emancipation  is  consideri'd, 
tli  fcr  n  ai  value  may  be  stated  at  $600,000,000.  41  ff 
we  lose  them,  the  value  of  the  lands  they  cultivate 
will  lie  diminished,  in  all  cases  one  hall,  and  in  many 
they  wiil  b.cnme  wholly  useless, and  an  annual  income 
of  at  least  fom  millions  of  dollars  will  be  lost  to  me 
government — the  loss  of  which,  will  not  only  be  felt 
bv  1 1 1 v *  nou  sl  ue-holding  Stales,  but  by  the  whole 
U  <i  hi — f  ir  to  w  hom  at  present  do  the  Eastern  Mates 
irmsi  particularly,  and  the  Eastern  and  Northern  gen- 
erally, look  for  the  employment  ol  their  shipping  in 
transporting  our  bulkv  and  valuable  products,  and 
bringing  us  the  manufactures  and  merchandize  of 
Europe.  Another  thing  ;  in  case  of  these  losses  being 
brought  on  us,  and  our  being  forced  into  a  division 
o(  the  Union,  what  becomes  of  your  public  debt,  who 
arc  to  pay  this  and  how  will  it  be.  paid?"*  11  If  jus- 
tice," says  Judge  Tucker,  "demands  the  emancipation 
of  the  slave,  she  also,  seems  to  plead  for  the  owner, 
and  lor  his  creditor.  'Tis  irut,  the  claims  of  nature 
are  stronger  than  those  which  arise  from  social  insti- 
tutions, but  nature  also  dictates  to  us  to  provide  for 
our  own  safety,  and  authorizes  all  necessary  measures 
for  iha;  purpose."  u Nature,  limp  and  sauna  policy 
must  co-operate  with  each  other  to  produce  such  a 
change  as  is  contemplated  :  if  either  be  neglected,  the 
work  will  be  incomplete,  dangerous,  and  not  impro- 
bably destructive."  These  considerations  should  sink 
deep  into  the  minds  of  my  countrymen.  1  cannot 
believe  them  unjust,  or  that  they  would  willingly  jeo- 
pardize the  safety  of  their  domestic  altars.  1  cannot 
believe,  that  they  will  ever  permit  sectional  feelings  to 
betray  them  into  the  prosecution  of  measures,  calcu- 
lat  d  to  raze  the  foundation  of  our  splendid  political 
edifice. 


*  Mr.  C.  Pinckneys  speech  on  the  Missouri  Bill. 


30 


I  have  now  done  with  this  painful  investigation. — 
The  facts  here  recorded,  cannot  be  controverted,  iho' 
the  reasoning  predicated  on  their  notoriety  may  be  in- 
valid and  unsound—the  welfare  of  my  country  may 
have  hurried  me  into  improvident  conjectures.  Got| 
grant,  that  the  pen  of  the  historian  may  never  register 
the  realization  of  my  apprehensions,  and  with  refer- 
ence to  the  Constitution  of  these  United  States,  from 
the  bottom  of  my  heart,  i  echo  with  BJackstone,  the 
petition  of  Paulo,  Esto  Perpetua  ! 


SI 


aroCT  a. 


Number  of  Free  coloured  Persons  in  the  non-slave-holding  States, 


at  the  late  census 

Cold  Fertcns.  j 
20,079 
84,899 
6,410 

Number  of  free  coloured  persons  in  the  slave-hold- 

111,388 

116,646, 

|     or,  5,258  more  than  in  the  above  States, 

L  .  .  .  

 ii 

NOTE  S. 


From  the \st  of  January ,  1804,  to  the  Slst  December,  1807, 
there  were  imported  at  Charleston  39,075  slaves. 


OF  THIS  NUMBER,  ■ 

Rhode-Island  imported  

Hartford,  

Boston,  -   -    --    --    --    --  -- 

Baltimore,  -    -    -  - 

Savannah,  ----------- 

Merchants  and  Planters  of  Charleston  and  vicinity 


Slaves. 

7,958 
250 
200 
750 
300 

2,0O6< 


*  Smith's  speech  on  the  Miuouri  13 ill. 


